Sotsial-Demokrat No. 56, |
Published according to |
From V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, 4th English Edition,
Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1964
Vol. 23, pp. 125-33.
Translated from the Russian by
M. S. Levin, Joe Fineberg and Others
Edited by M. S. Levin
page 125
Russia and Germany are already negotiating a separate peace. The negotiations are official, and the two powers have already reached agreement on the main points.
A statement to that effect appeared recently in the Berne socialist paper and is based on information in its possession.[63] The Russian Embassy in Berne hastened to issue an official denial, and the French chauvinists ascribed these rumours to "German dirty work", but the socialist paper refused to attach any importance whatsoever to these denials. In support of its statement it pointed to the presence in Switzerland of German (Bülow) and Russian "statesmen" (Stürmer, Giers and a diplomat who arrived from Spain), and to the fact that Swiss commercial circles were in possession of similar reliable information obtained from Russian commercial circles.
Of course, deception on both sides is quite possible. Russia cannot very well admit that she is negotiating a separate peace, and Germany cannot miss an opportunity to create discord between Russia and England, irrespective of whether or not there are negotiations, and if so, how successfully they are proceeding.
To understand the question of a separate peace we must proceed not from rumours and reports about what is taking place in Switzerland, which cannot be effectively verified, but from indisputably established political facts of the last few decades. Let Messrs. Plekhanov, Chkhenkeli, Potresov and Co., now cast in the role of Marxist-liveried lackeys or jesters of Purishkevich and Milyukov, try as they will to prove "Germany's war guilt" and that Russia is fighting a "war of defence" -- the class-conscious workers
have not listened and will not listen to these clowns. The war was engendered by the Great Power imperialist relations, i.e., by their struggle for division of the loot, a struggle to decide which of them is to gobble up this or that colony or small state. Two conflicts are in the foreground in this war. First, between England and Germany. Second, between Germany and Russia. These three Great Powers, these three great freebooters, are the principal figures in the present war. The rest are dependent allies.
Both conflicts were prepared by the whole policy these powers pursued for several decades before the war. England is fighting to rob Germany of her colonies and to ruin her principal competitor, who has ruthlessly outrivalled her by his superior technique, organisation and commercial drive -- and so thoroughly that England could not retain her world domination without war. Germany is fighting because her capitalists consider themselves -- and rightly so -- entitled to the "sacred" bourgeois right to world supremacy in looting and plundering colonies and dependent countries. In particular, Germany is fighting to subjugate the Balkan countries and Turkey. Russia is fighting for possession of Galicia, which she needs, in particular, to throttle the Ukrainian people (for Galicia is the only place where the Ukrainians have, or can have, liberty -- relatively speaking, of course), Armenia and Constantinople, and also to subjugate the Balkan countries.
Parallel with the Russo-German conflict of predatory "interests" is another no less -- if not more -- profound conflict between Russia and England. The aim of Russia's imperialist policy, determined by the age-long rivalry and objective international strength-ratio of the Great Powers, may be briefly defined as follows: smash Germany's power in Europe with the aid of England and France in order to rob Austria (by annexing Galicia) and Turkey (by annexing Armenia and, especially, Constantinople); and, after that, smash England's power in Asia with the aid of Japan and Germany in order to seize the whole of Persia, complete the partition of China, etc.
For centuries tsarism has been striving to conquer Constantinople and a larger and larger part of Asia. It
has systematically shaped its policy accordingly and has exploited every antagonism and conflict between the Great Powers. England has resisted these efforts longer, and with more persistence and vigour, than Germany. From 1878, when the Russian armies were approaching Constantinople and the English fleet appeared at the Dardanelles and threatened to bombard the Russians if they dared enter "Tsargrad",[*] to 1885, when Russia was on the verge of war with England over division of the spoils in Central Asia (Afghanistan; the Russian army's advance into the heart of Central Asia threatened British rule in India), and down to 1902, when England concluded a treaty with Japan, in preparation for the latter's war against Russia -- throughout all these years. England was the most resolute opponent of Russia's predatory policies, because Russia threatened to undermine British domination over a number of other nations.
And now? Just see what is happening in the present war. One loses patience with the "socialists", who have deserted the proletariat to go over to the bourgeoisie and talk about Russia waging a "war of defence", or to "save tbe country" (Chkheidze). One loses patience with sentimental Kautsky and Co. and their talk of a democratic peace, as if the present governments, or any bourgeois government for that matter, could conclude such a peace. As a matter of fact, they are enmeshed in a net of secret treaties with each other, with their allies, and against their allies. And the content of these treaties is not accidental, it was not determined merely by "malice", but by the whole course and development of imperialist foreign policy. Those "socialists" who hoodwink the workers with banal phrases about nice things in general (defence of the fatherland, democratic peace) without exposing the secret treaties their own governments have concluded to rob foreign countries -- such "socialists" are downright traitors to socialism.
page 126
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Notes on |
page 394
[63]
Lenin is here referring to the Berner Tagwacht, which published the following articles on the Russo-German negotiations for a separate peace: "Die Vorbereitung des Separatfriedens" ("Preparation of a Separate Peace") in its issue of October 11, 1916, No. 230; an editorial, "Die Friedensgerüchte" ("Peace Rumors"), No. 241 of October 13, and a shorter item, "Zum Separatfrieden" ("On a Separate Peace"), No. 242 of October 14.
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